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The next main section of this article is "TYPES OF MOTIVATIONAL PATTERNS." The author discusses 6 of these patterns or types of motivation."Rule compliance or conformity to system norms... Though people may conform for different reasons I am concerned here with one common type of reason, namely a generalized acceptance of the rules of the game. Once people enter a system they accept the fact that membership in the system means complying with its legitimate rules." (p. 134)
This is probably the basic level that mission leadership was looking for to consider a person past the initial socialization hurdle and accepted into the group. The word here that tripped me up in Vienna was "legitimate." I didn't see that the Vienna mission's rules, or at least a good portion of them, wre letigimate and I thought that what they had there was an abuse of power rather than a more letigimate thing, but others seemed to accept it. I think it was an abuse of power because I didn't think that for a Christian organization they practiced Christian use of power. A lot of this was via the informal organization, however.
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"Instrumental reward geared to individual effort or performance. System rewards apply in blanket fashion to all members of a subsystem. Individual rewards of an instrumental character are attained by differential performance." (p. 134)I think there were some rewards possible, but not like in a regular job. For example, as one became more trustworthy and perhaps as one's knowledge and skill became known, one might be given more interesting or prestigious work, for example. But it's not like you'd get a raise or a bonus, for example. These opportunities might have motivated some people though. For me, they were interesting, but I got too many cross signals to rely on these suggestions too much. You'd really go crazy believing everything that was told you as a possibility, so then you never were sure (or at least I wasn't).
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"Internalized values of the individual which embrace the goals of the organization. Here the individual again finds his organizational behavior rewarding in itself, not so much because his job gives him a chance to express his skill, but because he has taken over the goals of the organization as his own." (p. 134)The mission clearly demanded this of its members. It might have accepted rule compliance as a first step along the socialization bath, but ultimately it wanted internalization of the missions goals (and values, and norms, and rules, and....etc.). This is part of it's being a total institution and part of its concern for the attitudes of the individual member.
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"Social satisfactions derived from primary-group relationships. This is an important source of gratification for organizational members. One of the things people miss most when they have to withdraw from organizations is the sharing of experiences with like-minded colleagues, the belonging to a group with which they have become identified." (p. 134)Unfortunately, I didn't get as much social satisfaction as it seemed I should have from my primary-group (the other secretaries, because I didn't see myself having that much in common with them. But I think for most people at the mission this statement would be true that after the stressful ministry context, close-knit working relationships and seclusion from the rest of the world (in many ways) it probably was difficult to leave their primary group relationships when they left the missin to return home.
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As you can see, I didn't fare too well in these types of motivational patterns. But I really did come to the mission with a reasonable amount of motivation., It's just that after I arrived in Vienna, the mission worked hard at eroding that motivation, which sounds counterintuitive, so you assume that wasn't their intention ... unless, of course, they wanted to drive me out of there because of my dad. I think those are probably your two options, either they didn't mean to erode my motivation or they did mean to and it was because of my dad.